A megacity is like a pressure-cooker — every building, every street, every piece of infrastructure has a part to play in intensifying the heat, both literally and metaphorically. Although megacities around the world are often lauded for their innovation and opportunity, beneath the glossy surface lies a far more sinister truth: a violent undercurrent that shapes the daily lives of millions of people. Therefore, what does it mean to live in a city where violence is built into the system, from its infrastructure to its economy?
This is one of many questions that Dr. Laurent Gayer’s lecture on Oct. 6, titled “The Violent Fabric of a Megacity”, sought to shed light upon. The lecture focused on his 25-year research in Karachi, and in particular, the city’s resilience amidst violence and economic turmoil. He explored how Karachi maintains a form of democratic order and economic prosperity. Beyond his findings, Dr. Gayer also shared about his research process and experiences living in Karachi. Here are some key insights from his lecture:
The Research Process
All research must begin from somewhere, and for Dr. Gayer, this started from an enigma — something which goes against common sense, that surprises you and motivates you to delve deeper into the topic. If one is unable to solve the enigma, he suggests an attempt to strive towards an explanation of the enigma. For Dr. Gayer, the enigma he constantly returns to is how a city of 25 million people, which seems to be permanently on the brink of civil war and collapse, could nonetheless not only survive the decades of militancy, terrorism, sectarian warfare, gang warfare, but to some extent, also continue to thrive and actually found also resources for prosperity and democracy?
He then conceived his work in the form of a trilogy. The first volume in 2014 discussed the disorder and the struggle for the city, specifically the political component that despite high levels of confrontation, a certain form of democratic order continued to reproduce itself and was never entirely at threat over these years. The second volume confronts the common assumption that capitalism requires stability and predictability to thrive, following the Weberian legal rational hypothesis. Dr. Gayer is currently working on his third volume, with his main informant being his co-author. This serves to acknowledge and put at the forefront the people he works with, as well as aiming to promote a more equalitarian kind of research when researching on the global side.
On Scenes & Narratives
“Sometimes, what is the most striking, the most fertile is not necessarily something you see, something that you experiment, or in the way journalists work, a spectacular scene that would be interesting.”
Dr. Gayer highlights how he does not have personal anecdotes, instead, he works with ethnographic sources. Scenes in his work are not the product of one spectacular moment, but the outcome of familiarity he has developed over the years. From a conversation with his main informant over lunch that allowed Dr. Gayer to visualise so perfectly what transpired three years ago to his informant, to walking around Karachi, he has developed a much deeper knowledge of Karachi due to his extensive period working in the city.
An important distinction Dr. Gayer makes would be between journalists and his work as a scholar. While journalists may work in the heat of the action to get their news scoop, Dr. Gayer was not there to expose himself. Beyond taking precautions in his fieldwork, he mainly worked through relations of friendship and confidence, working with people, as well as sought to revisit the stories of informants’ families as he believes in collaborative effort.
Karachi and the Global Order
The built environment of Karachi bears the imprint of that violent city of various forms of violence. Violence intermeshes and materialises in industrial architecture, such as the textile factories that are reminiscent of prisons: they become death traps in fire accidents, the walls surveil the workers themselves, so that security architecture is as much inward as it is outwards, and thus it also shows this form of brutal accumulation through shared exploitation.
What is most fascinating is how the guard belongs to a private security force managed by an official federal security force led by the army. We observe how capital and the violent brands of capitalism redesign the city with semi-official contracted partnerships with official security forces. This hence represents a deeply complicated, productive and repressive configuration.
Nonetheless, this circumstance is not specific to Pakistan. While Pakistan radicalises this form of gunpoint capitalism, it is only a lens to look at the broader global phenomenon. This is also the story of global capitalism — the coercion we see today, like the US and its transnational predatory extensions right now is very emblematic. Looking into France where we are situated, the construction of the highly controversial Highway A69 is showing very similar trends to Pakistan. There is collusion between the kiafab, the largest pharmaceutical group in the region, which is the contractor behind that infamous highway project, suggesting how economic groups may control politics.
Conclusion
Is there hope even with violence? Dr. Gayer has certainly heard many stories about Karachi. Some stories may be distressing, but others showcase moments of solidarity, of trust, bonding and generosity across boundaries, in ways that are more intense and unpredictable than ordinary situations.
In our current world where the Global North is regarded as the paradigm of stability, success and development; perhaps what we need is to look at the South, to understand the forms of deviance from the paradigm. Symbolic violence still manifests in the Global North, be it internalised racism where minority groups are symbolically represented as inferior, less capable and even “dangerous,” or historical amnesia where nations downplay and forget the darker parts of their history, to reinforce a dominant national identity that avoids confronting historical injustices. To truly reimagine urban spaces all across the world would necessitate a comparative critique of the current global systems, that prioritise profit over human welfare, and a commitment to reshaping global inequalities.
As a freshman at Sciences Po, during my first few weeks, I always wondered: what ties the 2As together? What makes them such a cohesive group, with every conversation among them reflecting positivity, engagement and curiosity. I looked from afar and analysed — maybe it’s the lectures, the collective struggle to get good grades or maybe the lack of space on campus, so as to keep seeing each other no matter where you are. This rudimentary analysis led me to constantly question: What defines the Sciences Po community? How is this vibrant, diverse, inclusive and deeply dynamic culture fostered and transmitted? And how can I perhaps be a part of this culture and reflect it, in my own way?
My quest to find the answer ended when I witnessed it in its purest form, an experience of both immersion and realization. Through the course of celebrating Diwali and Halloween I understood what makes Sciences Po Le Havre a place like no other.
Starting the journey, an early spark: The night of Oct. 22 was perhaps an early initiation for me to find my answer. This time the hallways of Sciences Po echoed with sounds of awe as people described their elaborately constructed outfits; these overlapping conversations set the tone of creativity, cohesion and, most importantly, inclusion. I walked in a bit late when a few incredibly talented musicians from sciences po le havre’s classical music band LHarmony were performing ‘Danse Macabre’. I quickly found my seat and took a quick glance around the amphi to realise the sheer perfection to which everyone had crafted their outfits. To my left stood a spot-on Buzz Lightyear from Toy Story, and to my right, a vampire with fake blood and fangs that looked alarmingly real. Strangely enough, through impersonation and fear emerged an unexpected compassion that united the entire student body.
The event was organised by numerous associations — they curated a perfect student experience by embodying the spirit of Halloween, right from the incredibly petrifying haunted house to the blended decorations around campus. The famous sculpture “La Victoire de Samothrace” marking the entrance to Sciences Po was decked with cobwebs, symbolising the dynamism that runs through campus life — a community where birds gather not merely to rest, but to prepare for flight together through integration. Holistically, I finally found the first part of my answer! The fact that the community at Sciences Po is built through collaboration, curiosity and laughter—all of which were inculcated in the essence of Halloween.
Sustaining the community, a late surprise: Diwali, known to be one of the largest campus festivals, was celebrated in an incredibly decorated “Salles des Fêtes Franklin”. The Indian origin festival bloomed in an international setting. The atmosphere surrounding the event was brilliant, as I walked into the auditorium I felt a sense of cultural expression engulf me, every corner of the auditorium was reverberating with effort, grace and honest participation, all the students performing were frantically finalising their performance before getting onto the big stage. The Bureau des Arts set the tone for the event by defining the essence of Diwali through their perfect organisation, coordination, weeks of planning and seamless execution. The Bureau des Arts practically removed all organisational obstacles and made way for celebration contributing to a central theme of diwali being a culmination of happiness. I quickly headed upstairs to find my seat, with the words “Happy Diwali!” echoing through the auditorium. Over the course of the next hour, I witnessed sheer talent and creativity which left me in utter admiration for the cultural brilliance that I witnessed—from the rhythmic energy of the Bollywood dance to the poised grace of the Chinese dance performance, and the playful optimism of the musical theatre club. It’s rare to imagine such a harmony of styles and spirits in one evening within an auditorium in Le Havre. This is what makes Le Havre special, it’s not simply a city in northern France but within it lies a community that embraces global identity, harnesses diverse culture and celebrates life with friends who eventually become family. The progression of Diwali was a perfect representation of the bright lamps that were placed along the auditorium, representing light, happiness and vibrance. Every performance was followed by loud cheers and a strong wave of adrenaline flowing through the auditorium, so as to portray a constant wave of support the student body has for each other, when expression is complemented by belonging.
Finally, as the upbeat drums of ‘Uptown Funk’ played by the incredible band Mushulicious lit up the auditorium, I found my answer in its entirety with total conviction that the Sciences Po culture of building community centres on support, expression and energy, the kind that lights you up every time you see a familiar face on campus.
Has society gone mad with capitalism? That’s what the degrowth movement argues, stressing the current dominant system as destructive of social welfare for the world as a whole and reckless in face of the climate crisis.
In 1972, the Meadows report on the limits of growth demonstrated that the rate of economic growth at the time could not be sustained within the planetary boundaries. Subsequent models only confirmed this conclusion. The hypothetical decoupling of economic growth with human footprint on the environment is presented as a solution to this problem, but is widely debated and seems risky considering the survival of humankind on the Earth is at stake. Decoupling also falls short of solving the consequences of human activity on the planet other than greenhouse gas emissions. Finally, globalised capitalism has not proven beneficial for all in society, leaving in its path increasing inequalities and financial crisis. As Pierre Samuel wrote in his book in 1973, trying to raise awareness on the climate crisis:
“In fact, we live in an extremist society: extremist of production, growth, war, competition, specialisation. Because of its critical analysis of this society, the ecological movement is fundamentally moderate. But paradoxically, this tendency of moderation is viewed by some as revolutionary!”
In this article, we will look into how the degrowth movement is currently moving its focus toward strategizing the shift toward a degrowth society. Specifically, we will discuss how the movement tries to answer two of its major criticisms. First, no matter how desirable an utopia can be on paper, it is idealistic. Second, degrowth would be idea entertained by rich people who already have everything and criticise capitalism with no concern for the poorest in their own society and around the world. As such, degrowth would merely be another disconnected ideology for the highly-educated middle-class.
I. A brief introduction to degrowth thinking
Degrowth originates from a criticism of globalised capitalism as the endless pursuit of profit and technological innovation. In the vein of Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen’s work, The Entropy Law and the Economic Process in 1971, degrowth thinkers argue that decopelling, i.e. the complete decorrelation of economic growth and greenhouse gas emission, is either impossible or at least dangerously uncertain. Additionally, it is important to keep in mind that the footprint of the human economy is not only composed of greenhouse gas (GHG) emission, but many other components such as mineral extraction. As of 2025, humanity has crossed 7 of the 9 planetary boundaries, leading us one step closer to utterly unpredictable environmental changes. Degrowth adds a social critique to the environmental one. Namely, degrowth thinking insists on the importance of de-commodification of society which restores many aspects of human life from the trade economy. Stemming from Polanyi’s pioneering work in the 1940s, degrowth advocates for retiring “false commodities” from the trade economy to protect basic human rights. Finally, degrowth is also built on the criticism of unreflexive technological progress. Authors such as Ivan Illich analyse “growth […] as the result of a historically unique mindset that turns tools from means into ends.”
Degrowth tries to find solutions to the dead-end of capitalism. As Noémi Cadiou is a degrowth activist and co-editor of Degrowth & Strategy: how to bring about social-ecological transformation (2022). During a talk organised by SPE’s sustainability hub in October she explained that degrowth is a transdisciplinary intellectual framework. It revolves around core principles: abundance (the Earth resources are not scarce but abundant, meaning no predatory behaviour is necessary), sufficiency (focus on the needs and not the means to live a fulfilling life), care (the social structures providing individuals’ physiological and emotional needs), democracy and self determination. Degrowth rejects as well as all form of domination, making feminism and decolonialism key components of its fight.
Focussing now on the economic side of degrowth, Bärnthaler synthesises the academia on the subject to define it as “an equitable downscaling of aggregate throughput, with a simultaneous securing of wellbeing.” There are three common aspects to all definitions of economic degrowth. Equitability emphasizes the deepening of democratic practices and the focus on social justice. The reduction of GDP while increasing wellbeing translates in the shrinking of specific economic sectors related to carbon-intensive industries and destructive of actual welfare. Consequently, degrowth is about redistribution within and among countries, considering everyone’s right to decent living conditions on the planet is possible by reducing the economic wealth of the richest and most developed countries. A strong argument in favor economic degrowth, brought forward by authors such as Timothée Parrique in Ralentir ou périr, 2022, argues that planetary boundaries will eventually lead to economic downscaling regardless of human choices, but it can either be done through a painful crisis out of capitalism where the most vulnerable will suffer, or via a concerted strategy.
II. The limits of the traditional theory of transition
How to move from a capitalist socio-economic structure to a degrowthian one? “Transition is a black box that lies between the present and our idealized visions of the future” according to the anthropologist Silja Samerski, and strategy to reach a new paradigm is still unclear. The first to really grapple with this problem was Erik Olin Wright in Envisioning Real Utopias from 2010. Wright’s work provides a theory of action, dividing strategies into three types of actions: ruptural(breaking the status quo), interstitial(creating alternatives in the cracks of capitalism), and symbiotic(using the State’s power and institutions to advance degrowth agenda).
Taking a closer look, we can give examples of each type of action. Ruptural type of action is closely related to revolutionary type of action. Post-materialist mass-social movements such as May 68 in France come to mind. Fuelled by anti-authoritarian and situationist ideas, May 68 was a mass movement coming from the street and using protests and blockade to impose their claim. More recently, that is also the type of action Andreas Malm, a Swedish scholar and activist, advocates for in How to blow up a pipeline, 2020. On the other hand, interstitial type of action is closer to the anarchist tradition, trying to develop alternative organisations outside of the dominant paradigm in order to have a functioning model to put in place on a higher scale whenever the dominant paradigm, capitalism in this case, loses stability. The Hangar Zéro is a telling local example. This place was built as a response to a real-estate project in the Eure neighbourhood, constructing mostly out of reused materials that the current system is unable to process, and using horizontal decision-making procedures. In that sense, Hangar Zéro tries to develop an alternative architectural and entrepreneurial model. Finally, the symbiotic strategy is connected to the social-democratic tradition, trying to use the tools of the State to incrementally change its functioning from within. The German traffic light coalition, which governed the country from December 2020 to November 2024 is an example of that strategy. The Grünen agreed to form a coalition with the SPD (socialists) and the FDP (liberals) even though there was a profound disagreement on fiscal policy with the FDP from the start. Then, the Grünen negotiated to take the seat of the economy ministry and pushed their transition agenda, especially advocating for the abolition of the German debt break in order to scale up the green transition. This very controversial topic in German politics eventually led to the collapse of the coalition. However, the foot-in-the-door strategy worked, because once the idea was thrown into the public debate, the suppression of the debt break was implemented by the CDU’s (conservatives) following government. It is currently used to finance defence spending, but this tool could be used by a Green government in the future.
According to Wright, the three strategies are necessary and complementary in order to achieve a degrowth transition. Nevertheless, according to him, “under foreseeable historical conditions such means would be incapable of actually creating a deeply egalitarian democratic form of social empowerment in developed capitalist societies.” He consequently puts a great emphasis on the role of interstitial and symbiotic modes of action.
Wright framework has proved very influential in the degrowth world and is the backbone of Degrowth & Strategy: how to bring about social-ecological transformation (2022), presented as a synthesis of degrowthian academics. However, in a recent article published in degrowth.info, Charles Stevenson advocates for a parting with Wright’s transition framework. According to him, “[Wright’s] modes of transformation offer an academic typology of anti-capitalist struggles after the fact, but they do not provide context-specific answers to the question of what is to be done.” Strategy is about building an actual plan on how to make a degrowthian coalition win hegemony. Wright falls short of expliciting how much of symbiotic and interstitial method is to be adopted in a specific context, “[his] model of eroding capitalism runs the risk of lulling us into believing that any and all strategies can be equally effective for transforming society.” Society is under the yoke of capitalism, a force that represses challenges to its control, and small scale nowtopias (experimental organisations thought as alternative to capitalism) are merely a drop in the ocean of the challenges ahead. In order to move forward, degrowth needs a strategy giving it the means to become hegemonic.
III. Ways ahead
As Stevenson concludes along with others, making degrowth dominant is a cultural battle. In order to understand what is still needed, Bärnthaler (2024) analyzed Degrowth & Strategy using Buch-Hansen (2018) prerequisites for a degrowth paradigm shift to occur. There are four: “(i) a deep crisis, (ii) an alternative political project, (iii) a comprehensive coalition of social forces, and (iv) broad-based consent.” The two latter prerequisites are the one currently missing.
In order to build a comprehensive coalition of social forces, degrowth movements need to move beyond the restricted definition of democracy as consensus making and accept compromise, to reach a broader audience. Regarding democracy, degrowth movements insist on abolishing all forms of domination and fostering empowerment. This leads to democratic decision making only based on consensus. However, “it impedes strategic agency to build cross-class and cross-milieu alliances [and] tends to build eco-social communities, not an eco-social society.” Degrowth movements need to reach compromises and accept to give up on certain claims in order to broaden their social base. Because “critical problem-solving necessarily takes place in political contexts that are structurally unjust and communicatively distorted”, compromising involves “identify[ing] the next best transition steps with the greatest transformative potential in the relevant context.” Moving forward, degrowthian strategy needs to develop a critically efficient grid of analysis of the acceptable compromise, for the sake of coalition building.
Second is obtaining broad-based consent. The degrowth movement is mostly composed of highly-educated middle-classes, who tend to overestimate the importance given to the environmental crisis in the broader public. If the environment is a widely shared priority, it falls behind others such as jobs, affordable housing or health care. Moving beyond the limited dichotomy of action within and without the state, grassroots can “construct a counter-hegemony that reorders common-senses”, which “fate depends on its ability to occupy the political sphere and use the collective force of the state to spread the new common senses.” Hence the question is which common-sense is shared by a critical mass of people, so that it can effectively occupy the political sphere. In order to acquire broad-based consent, a degrowthian agenda should start with what is already common sense to bring its ideas, and not the other way around. Starting from material needs, a degrowth agenda can build on universal access to basic services. Bärnthaler insists that “structures are always strategically selective, privileging some forces, strategies, actors, and interests over others, a hegemonic project here and now will also need to resonate with some capital fractions to be selected and retained”. Accepting some of this overlap will be necessary to bring truly revolutionary changes to the system. This agenda remains to be built.
Looking ahead, degrowth movements need not consider all action as equally efficient to take down capitalism. Nowtopias are the incubators of structural changes, but compromise making and appeal to more consensual topics, such as material needs, are necessary to build a strong enough coalition. Degrowth strategy needs focussing on finding the right balance between a deeply revolutionary agenda and the need of making actual change as soon as possible. Eventually, if degrowth truly sees itself as a realistic paradigm, it needs to be willing to rule and coerce. The movement has long shied away from embracing this idea, but no society can exist without some form of domination, therefore degrowth needs to claim its rules to be the best in order to escape its political marginalisation.
Bärnthaler, Richard. “Problematising Degrowth Strategising: On the Role of Compromise, Material Interests, and Coercion.” Ecological Economics 223 (September 2024): 108255. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2024.108255.
Maria Corina Machado is the laureate of the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize, awarded to her for her fight for democracy in her native Venezuela. The ceremony will take place on Dec. 10 in Oslo, but Machado is currently in hiding and has only made two public appearances since July 2024, making it uncertain whether she will be able to receive her prize in person.
Machado is the leader of the Unitary Platform, an alliance formed by multiple Venezuelan political parties that oppose the rule of Venezuela’s current president Nicolas Maduro. She has been living in hiding due to the threats that she has received by the government. The threats started after her accusation that the 2024 presidential elections were fraudulent. Following this election, the government-controlled National Electoral Council declared Maduro’s third term, despite evidence provided by national and international organizations that the elections were undemocratic.
According to an ELLE article, Machado was exposed to the socioeconomic inequalities during her studies at Andrés Bello Catholic University. when she also volunteered in the low income neighbourhood of La Paredas, in Venezuela’s capital Caracas. She decided to pursue politics after college, seeing her country becoming unstable under the previous president Hugo Chavez’s rule. She ran for congress in 2010, and became one of the 65 opposition members in the National Assembly.
Machado won the Peace Prize for her work promoting democracy in Venezuela. Following her win, she dedicated her award to the U.S. President Donald Trump, a figure who for many represents discrimination and repression. Trump has made many racist and misogynist remarks, has multiple sexual assault allegations, and his term is currently marked by strict anti-immigration policies. In an interview with Bloomberg, she voiced support for U.S. military intervention in Venezuela, and has expressed that it is necessary for a democratic transition in Venezuela. As the committee’s announcement salutes her fight for a peaceful transition to democracy, Machado has called upon military intervention. Here lies another contradiction: She fights against the oppressive regime in her country, but calls for the help of another regime which for many is oppressive.
Machado has expressed her support for Israel in the ongoing conflict. She called Netanyahu to congratulate “the decisions he took during the war”. More than 67 000 Palestinians were killed in Gaza by Israeli forces. “Today, all of the U.S. who defend Western values stand with the State of Israel, a genuine ally of freedom,” as she tweeted in 2021.
Machado is not the only controversial Peace Prize awardee. Previous laureates of the prize have also been criticised for their actions that are not always reflective of the award’s’ values. Barack Obama, for example, was heavily criticized because of his involvement in the war in Iraq and Afghanistan. The U.S. was at war throughout all eight years of Obama’s presidency. Machado’s win, like Obama’s, led to individuals and the media questioning the legitimacy and the meaning of such a “peace prize” – if working for, or even supporting peace is not a prerequisite, what does the prize mean?
Despite her controversies, Machado’s win was not entirely contested – many also celebrated her compensation. Particularly, as a recognition of women in the political sphere, and of opposition to authoritarianism. As of 2025, only 6% of current Nobel holders are women. Machado’s win was therefore congratulated by many women’s organizations, and media outlets targeted towards women. Machado is also the sixth Latin American and the first Venezuelan to be awarded the peace prize.
Furthermore, Machado has support in Venezuela. The New York Times conducted three polls that showed she is the most popular politician in the country, with more people accepting her leadership than not. According to Amnesty International, Venezuela has been in a deep political crisis for 10 years. Opposition is repressed, as seen in Machado’s case. There are also 853 political prisoners in Venezuela as of July 2025. Human Rights Watch states that there are arbitrary arrests, torture and even murder of political dissidents. In such a political climate, she is the main figure of resistance.
Nevertheless, her being awarded the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize has led to a debate: Should Machado be compensated for her efforts, even though she voices views that are contradictory to the name of the prize itself? She is a figure of resistance and freedom in her country, but supports regimes that are similarly oppressive to the one she is against.
In the art world, there is also a long-standing debate about separating the art from the artist. Can we appreciate the work of an artist, even if we do not agree with their views or acts? Similarly, the question surrounding Machado comes down to whether we can separate her stance in Venezuela from her international views.
BBC Afrique. (n.d.). 3 événements marquants qui définissent la carrière de María Corina Machado, la « dame de fer » de l’opposition vénézuélienne et prix Nobel de la paix. BBC Afrique. https://www.bbc.com/afrique/articles/czdj9md6150o
Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada. (2025, 6 mars). Venezuela: The Democratic Unitary Platform (Plataforma Unitaria Democrática, PUD) [Unitary Platform (Plataforma Unitaria, PU)] political alliance, including the parties making up the alliance, its political agenda, structure, and leadership; whether documents are issued to its members; treatment of its members by authorities . ecoi.net. https://www.ecoi.net/en/document/2124530.html
European Parliament. (7 February 2024). Joint motion for a resolution on further repression against the democratic forces in Venezuela: attacks on presidential candidate María Corina Machado (RC-B9-0097/2024). Retrieved from https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/RC-9-2024-0097_EN.html
With the evenings getting longer and cups of tea steaming on the working desks more often, the time has come to enter election week. The colourful posters in the hallways, new Instagram follow requests from campaigners, and other interactive content have caught the attention of many, and we at LDD are eager to join the fun by presenting each remarkable candidate and letting the community get to know them more deeply.
Of course, first and foremost, we want to congratulate each candidate on bravely embarking on this campaign journey and on participating in engaging events!
The candidates have promised voters they will address countless issues, including limited food options, mental health support, student integration, and administrative matters. To make an informed choice on election day, LDD correspondents invite you to get familiar with every candidate’s campaign through short interviews consisting of four key questions. Responses have been edited for clarity and cohesion.
All the best,
Konstancija & Nil
Anish
Can you introduce yourself?
Hi everyone! I’m Anish (yes, the guy who plays the flute) and I’m from Mumbai, India. I thrive on exploration and find meaning through storytelling and music. They’ve taught me that every voice has a rhythm worth listening to. Along this path, I also discovered meditation, a practice that has stayed with me for four years and become a cornerstone of who I am. It’s helped me cultivate clarity, the kind that replaces chaos with calm, and noise with focus. That sense of clarity, in numerous ways, shapes how I listen, connect, and act every day.
What changes will we see on campus if you are elected?
“Echo: Every Voice Matters”, my campaign built on two pillars—care and clarity. I believe that listening with genuine attention must be matched by acting with clear purpose. As Year Rep, I’ll create an inclusive environment where student voices directly shape campus life. I plan to set up “Echo Chamber” an online google form published every two months to document concerns of any nature, this will be followed by an Action Pipeline designed in collaboration with the administration. For example, I’ve recently introduced a Fruit Corner in the fridge with fresh, free fruits restocked weekly to promote healthier eating (vending machine food sucks) similarly, I also aim to simplify the LiA Vélo bike process and work with Rue Libre to improve access to bikes so commuting (even in Le Havre weather) becomes smoother 🙂 My goal is simple: a connected, happy and heard student body.
Why should we vote for you and not the other candidates?
Well, why not 🙂 As Year Rep, I plan to build a bridge between the entire student body and the Sciences Po administration—a bridge founded on concern and clarity. My approach begins with listening deeply and ends with acting decisively, with utmost clarity, ensuring that every initiative is both student-driven and institutionally achievable. My campaign, Echo: Every Voice Matters, reflects this belief that no concern is too small to be heard or too specific to be solved. The idea, for me, isn’t to claim I’m better than the other candidates, that’s for you to decide, but to show you that I genuinely care. I care about making campus life lighter, healthier, and more connected, from small actions like the Fruit Corner to larger systems of communication that make your voice count. Because being the year representative, for me, isn’t a title it’s a promise.
What’s a personal weakness that might affect your role, and how will you compensate for it?
Sometimes my calmness becomes my biggest weakness—it’s perceived as being a bit inactive, maybe even unreceptive. As someone who doesn’t panic, I may be seen as a big introvert. Thus, many times I tried to fight my calmness and act as an extrovert with a dominant personality and presence; however, this did not resonate with me and left an inner void. Ultimately, I understand my calmness to be a strength, the force behind clarity, a tool that propels and creates deep understanding within me. It allows me to act with total decisiveness, confidence, and balance even under pressure. As your year rep this will allow me to make decisions that are thoughtful, not impulsive, and create space where every voice feels genuinely heard. Because, very honestly, leadership, to me, isn’t about volume: it’s about clarity and care, the two pillars that define everything I stand for.
Tallulah
Can you introduce yourself?
My name is Tallulah, I’m born in America (New York) but lived in Sweden practically my whole life. To know me, the key is the duality of my academic and casual side. Academically I genuinely enjoy most of our subjects – particularly PI – but I also have diverse passions. To those who I haven’t yet gotten to know personally, I am very passionate about interests like comics, manga, art, debate etc. I absolutely adore anything I dedicate time to, be it academics or my art- and I hope this trait of mine will serve me well for this position.
What changes will we see on campus if you are elected?
Firstly, I think that the administration is bad at making the things we are entitled to as students accessible. My negative experiences with the administration fighting me on legally required accommodations, but also the stories of other students being denied their rights due to SciencesPo bureaucracy makes me think the administration must have a new approach to accommodations and Student Health. Never should SciencesPo rules and tradition take precedent over student comfort, and I would aim to implement a new form of dialogue where, instead of blindly rejecting requests, the admin will work with students seeking aid, even if that means bringing a year representative to meetings to ensure accountability. I also think that the lack of homogeny across the experiences with different seminar teachers must be addressed, preferably by actually having a meeting with the teachers to harmonize the grading and course work of the different seminar groups.
Why should we vote for you and not the other candidates?
To many of you I have shown myself as a competent debater, I am willing to argue for a cause, both person to person and in front of an audience; I am not afraid to be outspoken. However, this alone doesn’t make me a good choice, rather, I like to think before I speak and ensure only the most relevant thing is said. A muddy argument is unconvincing, and blind confidence is inefficient at best. Most importantly, I am willing to listen. The year representative role is about your views, not mine. I have my opinions as you saw above, but more importantly, I will fight for your views and needs as if they were my own, if for no other reason than all my previous debate experiences were about fighting for something which often doesn’t involve yourself. I wouldn’t only forward my visions, I would want to forward yours.
What’s a personal weakness that might affect your role, and how will you compensate for it?
I think my main weakness will be a stubborn nature and a bullheadedness to what I dedicate myself to. This may not sound like an issue until you consider that, in terms of negotiating with the administration, too much stubbornness can result in less efficiency. However, I have learned over the years to, at the very least, pause my stubborn nature and pursue a more mutual solution by compensating with paper work. It sounds odd, I know, but I have found that my stubborn nature is satiated by having a paper trail that, even if I have to compromise to pursue a solution, I am able to hold the other party accountable if they don’t uphold their side of the agreement. In this, I hope to make lasting change as future representatives will be able to draw upon the paperwork in place to make further progress for the school.
Carla
Can you introduce yourself?
Hi, I’m Carla, a French and Vietnamese girl. I was born and grew up in Vietnam, where I attended the French International School of Ho Chi Minh City. Then I came to France for high school. My academic interests are math, economics, and languages. Next year, I’m planning to join EcoSoc. I would describe myself as a friendly and dynamic person who listens to and cares about others. I enjoy representing others and taking on responsibilities, whether it’s on the field or at school. Indeed, my passion is football.
What changes will we see on campus if you are elected?
The first time I arrived at Sciences Po, what struck me the most was the natural attraction we tend to have toward people who share the same origins. I would like to encourage curiosity and the willingness to reach out to others. We are a friendly campus, but I believe that by getting to know each other better, we could build even stronger bonds than we already have. Indeed, friendship groups were formed very quickly. They will probably change over time, but I would really like to emphasize the importance of taking advantage of the great opportunity we have to be surrounded by such amazing people. Of course, I would also be here to represent your voices and act as a bridge between the administration and all of you.
Why should we vote for you and not the other candidates?
I believe that every candidate deserves to be here and has something valuable to offer, so I wouldn’t say I’m “better” than anyone else. What I can say, however, is that having experienced both the international and French systems in different countries, I feel I can understand most of the students, whether you are an international student or not. I am deeply motivated to make our community even more connected and supportive, in an inclusive atmosphere. Vote for Carla for an infinite aura! 😉
What’s a personal weakness that might affect your role, and how will you compensate for it?
I would say that my biggest weakness is not having much patience. Indeed, I like things to be quick and efficient, but unfortunately, that is not always the case. Since the beginning of the year, I’ve been working on improving this aspect of myself. However, I am a persistent person and I enjoy achieving the goals I set for myself. Therefore, I am convinced that perseverance can make up for this lack of patience. Being resourceful, I always try to find a solution that fits the problem.
Angelina
Can you introduce yourself?
Hello! My name is Angelina and I am Thai, British and French. I am running to be your year representative as I want each and every one of you to feel seen, represented and heard. Whether it’s a global issue across our year group or a personal concern, I promise to make sure that it does not go unnoticed and that the issue is dealt with accordingly to the best of my ability. I hope that I can help make your experience at Sciences Po memorable – one that you continue to cherish in the future.
What changes will we see on campus if you are elected?
If I am elected, I plan to promote transparency on issues by supplying you with a list of the issues to be addressed with the administration, the proposed solutions and the progress made so far. I believe this will improve awareness on issues and contribute towards gathering more solutions. I also want to ensure that communication – both between students and the administration as well as between each other – feels open and safe for everyone. My goal is for our year group to feel like a family: a community where you feel safe to speak up and where all voices are equally valued. If given the chance to be a year representative, I promise to be there for each and every one of you, no matter what the concern. Let’s work together to make this campus a space where dialogue is positive and unifying!
Why should we vote for you and not the other candidates?
Personally, I do not see myself as better than any other candidate. I believe each person running has their own unique attributes to bring to the table and I am rooting for all of them. The reason why I am applying is because I sincerely care about all of you. My previous experience in this position has allowed me to reflect on the importance of this role: a need for all voices to feel acknowledged. Whether or not you have talked to me, seen my face before, please know that I am always here for you – as a friend, listener or simply just someone to talk to if you ever need it. I may be introverted, but I promise to speak on and voice out your concerns clearly so that they are heard and addressed. I hope that you can keep my name in mind during this election :).
What’s a personal weakness that might affect your role, and how will you compensate for it?
As previously mentioned, one of my biggest weaknesses is the fact that I am introverted. I recognise that because I am quite quiet, it may make me feel unapproachable. However, through the numerous leadership positions I have held throughout Secondary school, many people have mistaken me for being an extrovert. Some examples of these roles include Year Representative (6 years), Student Adviser for MUN (4 years) and Secretary of the Student Council. These experiences have helped me to develop both my leadership and communication skills – allowing me to carefully listen to and voice your concerns accurately – required skills that align directly with my detail-orientated nature. Although I may be introverted, I hope that you can see me as someone who you can trust to listen attentively to your concerns, and speak out whenever needed to make sure nothing goes unseen.
David
Can you introduce yourself?
Hi everyone! I’m David, and I’m running to be your Year Representative! My promise? To listen to your 168 voices and carry them as high as the 4th floor, all in an inclusive and transparent spirit. Before Sciences Po, I was involved in various councils and associations, where I learned that real change begins with clear communication, representation, and ambition. Whether you’re international or French, my goal is simple: to turn our campus into a place where every voice matters, and where we can build a truly united community, making us proud to call Sciences Po home.
What changes will we see on campus if you are elected?
If elected, I will make your representation both transparent and efficient. Every raised issue will appear in a Year Rep To-Do-List, showing its exact progress, from “reported” to “resolved”. You’ll always know how things are moving and at what speed. The Information File (IF) will gather all key events, deadlines and updates in a single place. The Monthly Form (MF), an anonymous form launched at the end of each month, will allow each of you to share your issues, feedback and ideas (from the vending machines to everything else that matters to you). But most importantly, these three will be accessible to anyone, anywhere, at any time. Why should you endlessly scroll through WhatsApp to find information? With these documents, a single Linktree will give you access to everything you need, so you’ll always know exactly where to check.
Why should we vote for you and not the other candidates?
Because what I bring to the table isn’t meant to resolve a single issue, like the vending machines’ lack of variousness or healthiness : it is establishing a new network of mechanisms that will not only help us solve that one issue, but all the others we’ll encounter during our two years together. Moreover, what truly defines me is my ability to unite. I’m both French and international : I was a foreigner myself when I left Romania 13 years ago. I know how hard it can be to adapt, understand how things work, or feel included. But by growing up here, I now master the system’s gears, from paperwork to communication, while keeping that international perspective. So, when I represent you, I won’t say “that’s just how it works in France”. I will make sure it works for everyone, and fuse both communities into one.
What’s a personal weakness that might affect your role, and how will you compensate for it?
I need to admit what I can’t hide: one of my biggest weaknesses is my loud laugh. And if you’ve ever been close enough to me (which basically means being on campus), you’ve definitely heard it. When I laugh, it resonates through the entire building ; I know it because a friend once told me his teammate asked, “Is that David laughing again?”. I’ve learned to control it over time, especially in formal meetings. But I think it also says a lot about me: it lightens up the atmosphere whenever there’s some tension and it truly helps me connect with people. It reminds everyone (in other words, the whole building) that serious work doesn’t have to suppress joy. So yes, my laugh might echo down the hallway, but it more importantly echoes something I deeply care about: creating a space where everyone feels relaxed and trusting.
Patrick
Can you introduce yourself?
Hello, my name is Patrick Luo. I am doing a Dual Degree between SPO and USyd. Two experiences profoundly shaped me as authentic yet a person who seeks to help: Identity Crisis and Mental Health. For the identity crisis, I became very proud of my patriotic Western identity after being disillusioned by both my years in Authoritarian China and Decadent Liberal West. For mental health, I had suffered from severe anxiety due to academic pressures of boarding school and familial conflict which gave me empathy for those struggling.
What changes will we see on campus if you are elected?
The first large change I propose is making LH not just a campus but a home where people can express themselves whether at their best or at their most vulnerable. This would be implemented through a proposed safe and confidential space where students can express themselves. This safe and confidential space can also serve another purpose of encouraging French and international students to share their opinions in small groups with an open mind. With this ability to be vulnerable, trust within campus strengthens allowing us to implement other policies. With trust secured, I propose establishment of confidential channels for students to communicate with admin without any fear of retaliation along with greater coordination between student groups. This should give a safe and strong voice for students who are increasingly burned out by 2 absence rules, 8 am classes, conflicting schedules along with eating from expensive vending machines with little options.
Why should we vote for you and not the other candidates?
I rather not highlight why I am superior to my competitors, but rather highlight what makes me unique. Firstly, I am more direct and more willing to push the boundaries such as advocating directly and fiercely against the distant administration who do not grasp student stress in academics in their 2 absence rule along with 8 am classes. Moreover, I open a lot of my struggles and express pride in my Western identity which could inspire a more open campus. Secondly, my story of a painful childhood along with academic anxiety enables me to empathise with those struggling with mental health . Thirdly, my previous identity crisis makes me more open to hearing the identity crisis of those with background of dual nationality, expat background, fluid identities or even those of single nationality.
What’s a personal weakness that might affect your role, and how will you compensate for it?
A personal weakness is I can get too direct which is given with my determination to push boundaries. However I believe this directness can be more purposeful in not trying to alienate the campus rather fight for what the campus needs in greater respect by admin along with a more open campus. Moreover, I try to balance this directness with kindness through one on one conversations trying to check in students individually about their academics and their integration.
Nini
Can you introduce yourself?
Hi, I’m Nutsa (or you may know me as Nini, haha). To tell you shortly about myself I would probably start by saying that I am a very passionate person. Meaning, whenever I set a goal, or have a dream, I take it very seriously and make it my mission to achieve that desired goal. Other than that, I am very creative and an extroverted person. I am always down to try new things, and will always be by your side whenever you ask me to do “embarrassing” stuff haha. Shortly, I am a very spontaneous person, and very determined when it comes to achieving my goals.
What changes will we see on campus if you are elected?
If I am in fact elected as a Year Rep, I know for a fact that there will be numerous changes on campus, including free coffee I promised :)) But on more of a serious note, I think being a year rep will influence how people interact with each other, creating a more open, connected, and supportive environment. I want to make sure everyone feels comfortable sharing their ideas and concerns, and that communication between students and the committee is smooth and transparent. I’ll also push for more social and academic events that bring people together — whether it’s casual catch-ups, study sessions, or fun themed activities. Overall, I want to make campus feel more like a community where everyone’s voice matters and where we all feel motivated and included in shaping our experience.
Why should we vote for you and not the other candidates?
You should vote for me because I genuinely care about making our two upcoming years the best it can be, but not just through promises, but through action. I’m approachable, reliable, and always open to hearing everyone’s ideas. I want to be the kind of Year Rep who actually listens and follows through, making sure no one feels left out or unheard. I’m also passionate about creating a fun, inclusive environment where we can all connect beyond the classroom. What sets me apart is that I’m not doing this just for the title, but because I truly want to represent our year and make positive, lasting changes.
What’s a personal weakness that might affect your role, and how will you compensate for it?
One weakness, that is not actually a weakness, but can be seen as one in different settings is probably being too ambitious. I always like to think of too many different ideas all at the same time, while also planning other events, for example. I can see why it can affect my role in a way, but also, I also see how it will be a strength and suitable for my role as a year rep. Being too ambitious, means being creative and determined to try and do almost everything at the same time. In a way, being the way I am will be to the betterment of our community, as you can never have too many events when it comes to student life, especially in university, and especially in Sciences Po, which has a very diverse community.
Tanu
Can you introduce yourself?
I am Tanu Singh. I am from New Delhi. I adore reading and writing! I am an author of 4 books. I am a curious individual who loves to learn about new cultures, languages and gather new experiences. I love sports too. I am open to learn more from all of my peers. Thank you.
What changes will we see on campus if you are elected?
I will say it would be more joyful and more integrated! People will be more aware about each other’s culture and differences. They won’t have to go to administration every time for their problem because I would take the responsibility to make things easier for them. I will take their problems as a priority and address it as soon as possible. We’ll have a compliant box to maintain anonymity for some grievances that one might hesitate to share. And last but not the least, a buddy system based on the interest for the better integration of French and international students and to help international students learn French.
Why should we vote for you and not the other candidates?
You should vote for me because I truly care about making our campus feel like a home – where everyone feels seen, supported, and connected. I believe that university life isn’t just about studying, but about belonging. If elected, I’ll make it my responsibility to make things easier for all of us – so you don’t have to struggle alone or go through complicated processes every time. I’ll introduce a complaint box to ensure that everyone can share concerns freely, even anonymously, and I’ll treat every issue as a priority. Through a “Buddy System,” I want to bring French and international students closer, helping us learn from one another and build lasting friendships. My vision is a joyful, inclusive campus where we celebrate our differences and grow together – because when we listen to each other, we create something truly beautiful.
What’s a personal weakness that might affect your role, and how will you compensate for it?
One personal weakness I have is that I tend to always be there for everyone, sometimes to the point of neglecting myself. I genuinely care about people and want to help as much as I can, which can sometimes make me take on too much responsibility. However, I’ve learned that to truly support others, I also need to take care of my own balance and energy. That’s why I’m working on setting healthier boundaries and organizing my time more effectively. This way, I can stay available and be attentive to everyone’s needs without burning out. I believe this sensitivity – when managed well is actually a strength, because it comes from empathy and a real desire to make a difference. I’ll use that empathy to listen deeply, act thoughtfully, and make sure every voice is heard.
Nicolas
Can you introduce yourself?
I am Nicolas Aubert, a student from France, with over 7 years of experience as a student representative in the French system, available in French, English, Mandarin Chinese, Teochew and Cantonese. From Seine-Saint-Denis (93), where I grew up, to the 16th district of Paris, where I went to high school, I have had to handle diverse, and most of the time difficult, situations. Yet, I have always used the same approach: listening to all voices, representing them all, using respectful, constructive negotiation and discussion, rather than confrontation, in other words, the most efficient method that I will use for you.
What changes will we see on campus if you are elected?
My role is not to promote my vision of how the campus should be, but to realize yours. This is why each student will get the chance to be represented, all voices will be taken into account. All students will have their rights respected, and will have equal access to information (on issues such as the right or not to access dictionaries during exams). Students will have someone to fulfill their requests: whether it is about the products available in the vending machines or the limited number of microwaves, I will discuss all the requests with the campus administration. To the Paris administration, I will discuss your right to have more than 2 justified absences, because being sick does not prevent you from succeeding in the exams. By voting for me, you will have a representative who will listen to you, and really act for you.
Why should we vote for you and not the other candidates?
With over seven years of experience as a student representative in the French system, I have acquired knowledge about the French rules of procedure. By voting for me, you will vote for someone who knows what the French laws are and how they work. To ensure that your rights are respected, that you will be assisted, choose someone with experience dealing with French administrations, a former member of French administrative disciplinary committees, in other words, the best choice you can make. Moreover, during these years dedicated to students, I have understood that to get requests fulfilled, constructive discussions work better than confrontation or debate. Negotiating with the admin is not like debating in a simulation, you have real issues to address, issues that can change students’ lives. By voting for me, you will vote for a Year Rep who knows how to represent you, in 5 languages.
What’s a personal weakness that might affect your role, and how will you compensate for it?
English is not my native language, but I can still speak it, almost fluently, and understand it almost perfectly. However, to be honest, I might need more time to search for the good words sometimes, or misunderstand some idioms. I will do my best in these two years to improve my English. Nevertheless, as the majority of Sciences Po’s admin members speak French, as well as French administration’s staff, it should not be a major issue that could prevent me from representing you, and getting your rights respected in a highly efficient way.
Le Dragon Déchaîné 