Le Dragon Déchaîné

Judgement Day

by Lavinya Celly

For my first poem in LDD, I would like to share my recent thoughts on our current world events. I am best with my words through forms of literature, and this post shall be the same. Months ago, I had the honour of winning the Queen’s Commonwealth Writing Competition with my poem, Judgement Day. Today, as I observe challenging global events, I am reminded of how the themes within this poem resonate more profoundly than ever. This poem speaks to a quote by Loretta Scott King, “The greatness of a community is most accurately measured by the compassionate acts of its members.”

Although I wrote it at a different time, a time less harsh than today, its message is timeless and particularly pertinent in our current context. I hope for my words to inspire reflection and action towards a kinder world. It is my belief that we can always be kinder than yesterday.

Judgement Day

Queue a rock: perfectly crafted by divine

And the blossom of birds and cherries and trees

Admiring His work, He goes and lays down where

The wood drake rests in a mint-like glee.

The mighty margay feeds fated ferrets by the shore

While He comes into peace of His wild wonders

Content with His creation, He beams at His little world

And adds bounties of sculptures and numbers and colours.

With a swift scrutiny of suddenness, He gazes at this all

And muses over the missingness of this gigantic globe

His eyes shimmer with solution and He sets to work

To make His own miniatures, and finish His humble abode.

Robing His veil, He bids farewell to His children

And apprises them to hold each other in dear

For they were a family who was to look after His realm

And quick for his word, he winged away with career.

Quick into rising action: The children attempted to impart his virtue

Then they ruptured their bond and pierced each others’ souls

The cascade of agonies was so loud that it reached all the way up

That the Very Embodiment of Tolerance almost lost His control.

Descending to Earth, He boomed in rage in the manuals: “To succour your own afflictions, you must concur to be kind Each human heart inspires the other, so don’t trigger a domino To live together is to enlarge the close contracted mind.”

But as some things go, children refuse to listen sometimes The Very Virtue’s own creation refrains from acts of honesty They go against the very Creator they so highly praise And are walking conflictions of greed— the highest act of hypocrisy.

Their mutual fear had brought peace for somewhile

Until individual desires were sowed and released

The downfall was spread, and its baits were in waiting But their selfish love had only kept increasing.

Now He sat down with holy troubles

For it was the darkest hour in their history

He watered the ground with His novel tears

And now insert: the very awaited climax of this story.

The children never missed a chance to sabotage

Impose selfish rules to strangulate and muffle,

And invade others who were feeble

And make celebrations at bloodshed and scuffle.

He frowned as He recited His repeated recitals in mind: “This is the still sad music of my humanity

I have chastened and subdued my own creation

Nor my fault, nor my merit, though I feel ample guilty.”

“Their strength was never estimated by bills or bread Or industries or idealistic investments

Where are their robots and reinforcements now

When all there is left is human hearts and fragments?”

“And I have never felt this for my other children:

My round ocean and singing air and crystal skies;

But in the human intellect: there was a certain distinct spirit That was the reason why my children died.”

“I failed to make their conceited souls realise

Of the wars that were going on where their spirit meets I failed to tell them of what no ears have ever heard, I failed to show them what no eyes have ever seen.”

“Even their name is a shameless melody of irony For these Humans are the least human creatures I’ve ever seen Tell me: what wonders rise, what charms unfold When there was never any compassion in those eyes?”

Apo’s Fall Recipe: Chewy, Sweet, and Savory Red Kuri Squash Mochi 🎃

by Apolline van Dijk and Yu Xuan Neo

Try this easy-to-make treat and enjoy a unique twist on traditional mochi!

・To make around 15 pieces of mochi, you’ll need:

a Red Kuri squash that weighs around 250g
Mochiko (glutinous rice flour): half the weight of pumpkin (125~150g)
a pinch of salt

・For the sauce:

3 tbsp sugar
3 tbsp water
1 tbsp soy sauce
1 tbsp unsalted butter

How to make it:

Scoop out the seeds and pulp of your squash with a spoon.
Separate the seeds from the pulp. The pulp can be used with the rest of the squash, but not the seeds.
Cut the squash into small pieces and peel the skin off using a peeler or a sharp knife.
Put the pieces of squash with the pulp in a microwave-safe container and microwave it until soft (it took me 10 to 15 min for it to be fully soft, but it depends on the moisture of your squash).
Mash it well and add a pinch of salt. It enhances the natural sweetness of the squash.
Now, add the rice flour in multiple stages until it forms a soft and not too sticky orange dough.
Sprinkle some all-purpose flour on your working surface and place your dough on it.
Separate the dough into 15 pieces.
Using your hands, make a ball with each piece and then flatten it to get a disk mochi shape.
Drizzle some vegetable oil in a non-stick pan on medium-low heat.
Place your pieces of mochi in the pan and cover for 3 min. Flip them over for 3 more minutes.
In a bowl, combine the soy sauce, sugar and water. Pour them into the pan and add the butter at the same time. When the sauce has thickened, it means the sugar has caramelized and the butter has melted.
The Red Kuri Squash mochi is done. Enjoy!

Yu Xuan’s review:

We made this during the 1st cooking club event of the year: the Autumn dinner! Personally, I found kneading the rice flour dough as therapeutic as playing with slime. This recipe was so fun and yummy that I would definitely make it again — and it was such a crowd-pleaser! After all, who can say no to mochi?

What we learned from this was that success comes after a few tries. When making the first batch of this mochi, the heat was on too high, and the ones we pan-fried came out almost entirely burnt (fun fact: in Singaporean slang, we call this chāo-dā). Indeed, practice makes perfect: our second batch came out golden brown and coated in a gorgeous thick sugar glaze. It was the perfect bite — a combination of slightly crisp edges on the outside and the soft, chewy texture within. The hint of salt from the soy sauce provided a surprisingly tantalizing flavor contrast, balancing out the caramelized sugar extremely well. Fresh out of the pan, the warmth of the mochi and the earthy flavors make for a cozy fall dinner.

P.S. For an afternoon snack, I think that it would have paired well with a drink with a milder taste profile, such as green tea or soy milk.

Masculism

by Lu Ann Pade

On the 23rd of May 2014, 22-year-old Elliot Roger killed six people in a shooting and stabbing rampage in Isla Vista, California, before ending his own life by directing his gun at himself and dying from a gunshot wound to the head. Roger, having lived his life as the son of an affluent filmmaker, foreshadowed his crime by distributing a 141-page document detailing his frustrations at his involuntary celibacy to the dozen people closest to him via email just hours before he embarked on his murder spree. He then uploaded a “retribution” video to YouTube in which he complained about never having been the object of female attention, never having even kissed a girl. Then the violence began. While working on this piece on masculinism, I was led to ask myself: how has masculinism metastasised into the dangerous, misogynistic and degrading ideology of people like Elliot Roger? How has this term come to embody these characteristics? This article does not aim to cover all of the implications of topics relating to incel culture and sexism. It seeks rather to take a look at some possible explanations for the emergence of masculinism as it exists in its current form.

Masculinism can be characterised as a reactionary and conservative counter-movement to feminism. It can be interpreted as a response to the “masculinity crisis” the followers of this doctrine consider society to be facing, particularly in the second half of the 20th century. At a time during which the two movements coincide, the claims of masculinists are multiple : feminism denies the masculinity of men (even worse, it tries to invert the pre-installed hierarchy and place women above men in the social hierarchy) and it is one of their missions to prevent this from happening. The masculinists want to promote “masculine” attributes, and they are in favour of a co-decision of abortion, as well as more favourable conditions in cases of divorce.

Identity, hierarchy, and recruits

Considering the roots of masculinism, we come to understand that even if the movement experienced an incredible growth during the past decade, it is not new and is thus the result of an ongoing identity crisis. Masculinists have decided, in the wake of their proclaimed crisis, to adopt a language based on the hierarchy between men and women so as to better cement the identity of each in today’s social media-dominated context. Red Pill , Blue Pill , Alpha , Sigma, are all terms that those familiar with the manosphere will know all too well. This language allows masculinists to differentiate between those who are part of the awoken and those who are not. The main adherents to this ideology thus end up being young men who seek to create a masculine identity among others with the same aims, in echo chambers dominated by self-reinforcing masculinist norms. In this way, masculinist circles have become less and less accessible to the general public, and as such less capable of being understood, questioned, and challenged.

Masculinity at risk

The rise of masculinism – as we have already discussed — is mainly due to the empowerment of women since the advent of the second wave of feminism. Masculinists’ reasoning is that, because feminism and feminists exist, there exists a need for a counter-movement, a response. Here lies the fragility inherent to this stream of thought: it exists only through the prism of feminism (the definition of masculinism in itself often refers to its anti-feminist oriented actions). However, paradoxically, because masculinism is neither independent nor the fruit of something fundamentally new or different (men were not deprived of their rights in favour of women, while feminists asked for rights to rule over their own bodies), it becomes increasingly difficult for masculinists to feel like they are a part of something new, revolutionary, important – elements which were crucial to the staying power of movements with a major importance in history.

Is femininity to feminism what masculinity is to masculinism?

The androcentric character of masculinism places the protection of masculinity, attributes, and behaviours biologically or socially constructed to characterise men, at the centre of their concerns. The strand of masculism that grew prominent in the 1970s and 80s posited that feminism (and, in general, all movements in favour of the emancipation of women) aimed to put masculinity at risk . It thus followed that, in order to protect men and their identity, the essential characteristics of masculinity needed to be protected and reinforced. This is why the primacy of masculinity in masculinism is not comparable to the placement of femininity in feminism. While feminism adopts a more individually-based construction of identity following the aims of the movement, masculinism’s aim is the construction of a new identity: the “better self” which is what a man supposedly becomes when he incorporates more masculine traits and behaviours, and adheres to the masculinist movement.

Masculinism, although widely contested since its initial waves, continues to spread and mutate with the help of multiple social media platforms where its spokespeople share “motivational for men” content aimed at empowering men to succeed in what they claim is a ”gynocentric world”. The elements developed in this article are not intended to depict feminism as the “right choice” (feminism has failed on many occasions to represent all its members, particularly in cases of intersectionality), but rather to explore and explain the most topical discourse around masculinism. These relatively varied reasons are increasingly being put forward and pointed to in order to raise awareness of the danger of certain movements and the behaviours associated with them.

The Decline of Democracy in Korea: Judicialization of Politics

On November 2nd, the Democratic Party of Korea, the nation’s largest opposition group, held a massive protest at Gwanghwamun Square. They accused the current conservative administration of fueling a “crisis of democracy,” labeling it a “dictatorship.” However, this scene is not new: four years ago, in the same location, the People’s Power Party made the same accusation against the Democrat administration. Despite regime changes between left and right, the blame game continues, revealing that the decline of Korea’s democracy is not tied to any single party.

To know if democracy is truly in crisis, one must first define democracy. Contemporary constitutional doctrine distinguishes democracy from autocracy based on the autonomy of producing legal norms. In an autocracy, laws are imposed by an external sovereign, often a tyrant or oligarchy. In a democracy, however, the people are the sovereign with the autonomy to establish the constitution and laws through elections or direct participation. The executive and judicial branches derive power from this constitution and remain circumscribed by it. When these institutions impose laws on the people, sovereignty shifts away from them. Hence, democracy falters not from the rule of any particular party but when external institutions rob the autonomy of producing laws from the people.

In light of these elements, if either the Democratic or Conservative party in Korea seeks to safeguard democracy, they must denunciate the judicialization of politics. Over the past two decades, courts have increasingly been called upon to address public policy questions and social conflicts—such as capital relocation, adultery law, deployment to Iraq, the death penalty, the national security law, euthanasia, abortion, and conscientious objection. Initially, expanding the scope of the court’s role was aimed at ensuring individual rights and the legislation’s compatibility with the Constitution, preventing abuses of power seen under past authoritarian regimes. Yet, the danger emerged as judges began dictating what the law should look like rather than reviewing its adherence to the Constitution.

As stated by Montesquieu, judges must be no more than “the mouth that pronounces the words of the law.” This was challenged in 2012 when Justice Kim Neung-Hwan stated he felt he was “building a new state” when ruling that the 1965 treaty did not bar Korean citizens from filing a lawsuit against Japanese companies for wartime reparations. However, the role of judges is not to “build” or create something new. It is to interpret and apply the law or treaty as written, referring to the original text and intent of its makers. Judges are not tasked with pursuing societal change or progress—that is not their mandate. They are the executors of the law, not social justice activists.

The essence of Justice Kim’s ruling does not lie in whether Korean citizens have the right to file a lawsuit against Japanese firms regarding reparation. His ruling demonstrated how the court applied domestic legal principles—principles without claim-preclusive effect in the international society—to a diplomatic matter involving complex inter-state interests. Interpreting an international treaty, which requires non-legal means like inter-state negotiations, should fall to the politically accountable executive branch. The judiciary, lacking such accountability, should have refrained from reviewing cases within the political realm. Justice Kim’s decision deviated from this principle of judicial restraint, initiating the long-standing diplomatic dispute between South Korea and Japan.

However, the problem extends beyond political questions and into social issues, with abortion being a prominent example. In 2019, the Constitutional Court ruled the abortion ban as violating the right to self-determination, overturning the 2012 ruling that upheld the ban as serving the public interest by protecting fetal life. The problem is not which ruling was correct; it is that a case raising fundamental questions about human life and existence was decided by judges who neither represent the nation nor have the authority to create answers outside the law. The Constitution does not clarify whether Article 10’s guarantee of human dignity encompasses protecting potential life or the extent of society’s obligation to it. Therefore, such questions should not have been decided by judges who do not have the legitimacy to define what life or human existence means for Korean society.

Moreover, the threat to democracy is evident when the court silences public debate on social issues, stopping individuals who could otherwise persuade one another and influence their elected representatives for changes. A system where fourteen unelected judges create and impose norms beyond the scope of the law on questions meant for the people to answer is clearly not a democracy. Allowing a small, unrepresentative group of privileged elites—mostly educated at Seoul National University, with only three women members—to make social changes that lack the representation of the people aligns more with an oligarchy. Accordingly, democracy fractures as the judiciary encroaches on the people’s role as the sovereign, stripping them of their autonomy to produce laws.

Ironically, both Democrats and Conservatives hold responsibility for this threat to democracy, even as they accuse each other of causing it. Fearing backlash from key support groups like Christians, they avoided debates like abortion and euthanasia, delegating the decisional power to the court. In doing so, Parliament has shrunk its autonomy, willingly surrendering its constituent power to the judiciary. These politicians claim to defend democracy yet actively contribute to its decline by avoiding their duty. They have protected neither democracy nor national sovereignty. It is time for the Korean people to see through their empty rhetoric and reclaim the power that belongs rightfully to them.

News from the Railways: The Beginnings of Tram Line C

by Beau Sansoni

All images credited to the author.

↑ Above: Standard Havrais Alstom Citadis 302

Le Havre was once a city criss-crossed by the tracks of railcars. All corners of the city would be reachable via these movable steel boxes, whether it be from the downtown to the upper city, or the docks into the suburbs. These trams would, with the beginning of the age of the automobile, begin to decline and die out as buses and cars dominated the streets. This had followed a worldwide trend, at a time of cheap gas, where countries could replace their ageing tram fleets with buses, or offload the costs to consumers through encouraging car ownership.

Le Havre, as many cities had, aimed to revive its tram network in the early 2000s. The clear aim of the network, which can be seen by analysing the route, was to bring the suburbs and city centre closer together. While it is not as extensive, each tram car is much larger than their early 20th century counterparts, allowing for decent capacity despite the smaller network.

The current network in Lines A & B extends to the upper city, past the chalk hills in the north of Le Havre. However it did not connect eastward, towards the suburbs and the older mediaeval towns past them. They were connected to Le Havre, though, not by bus or tram, but by a short train line which runs a singular carriage or two carriages along the line at a time. This line was known as the LER, or Lezarde Express Regionale, and it connected Le Havre to the ancient port at Harfleur, and the old abbey city at Montivilliers. It also connected you to a station at Graville in the suburbs, to l’Hopital Jacques Monod, and also, a few times a day, to Rolleville.

However, as of the 1st of September 2024, the line has been permanently closed, and replaced by a fleet of buses (specifically 11, 11 Express, and 21) which will ferry passengers to the old stations. The reason for its closure is for work on the third tram line for Le Havre: Tram Line C. Not only will it cover the old stations at Graville, Harfleur, l’Hopital Jacques Monod, and Montivilliers (but not Rolleville), but also new stations along the way and in the south-eastern Quartier de l’Eure.

The eastern and south-eastern sections connect at the centre through the Gare du Havre, merging with Lines A & B which were already running on the same stretch of track. For the future student of Sciences Po, this tramway will connect them to the rest of the city, and further to the Quartier de l’Eure through a station at Les Docks, on the same road as the nearby Twenty Campus. I’d argue it’d help students reach the University of Le Havre’s Crous canteen, however in the three years until it finishes construction, I would be surprised if there was not a local canteen for the campuses in this area.

Above: The LER operating at Harfleur

Regardless, the current plans are for a public inquiry, which may be occurring now, followed by construction works from 2025 to 2027, which will be when the city attempts to begin operations on the new line. The new line will open 17 new stations from Vallée Béreult, just east of the Quartier de l’Eure, towards les Docks and the Gare du Havre, before unmerging at the University and heading east past la Stade Océane and terminating at Montivilliers. The city claims this would amount to 14 kilometres of new railway track, which would service around 9,000 university students. These new stations would be paired with new amenities such as a net addition of 300 planted trees, alongside new bike (and car for some) parking at each station. They further claim that the carbon footprint of the project will be 80 times less than of someone taking their own car.

As someone who is interested in urbanism, I believe that this project will be beneficial to those who live in the areas to which this railway will go. It will help the city reduce its carbon footprint.

and expand the amount of areas that can be traversed without using a car. It will reduce journey times (supposedly 10 minutes from Gare to Vallée Béreult, and 25 minutes from Gare to Cité des Abbesses) across the city, and will allow for ease of transit for those unable to drive or those who are disabled. While not an expert, I do worry about the amount of traffic being ferried from three different tram lines using the same stretch of track from Université and Gare, and that it may lead to more delays. However, with improvements in signalling, I’m fairly confident in the smooth running of the system.

This article is dedicated to the times in which I took the LER into Harfleur and Montiviliers. While useful, it was at certain points of the day an underutilised line, and the aged stations showed the need for its modernization. It had been running since 2001 on the same route its predecessors had taken in the 20th century. This new line, which has been long in the planning, will serve not only this old route of the LER, but also future Sciences Po students and those in the suburbs in both the south and east. I would highly recommend a visit to the Le Havre Seine Métropole website in order to see a map of the incoming Line C route, along with renders of the new stations and further details on the plan.